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EMIGRATION & COLONIZATION 



JE^JEl I^OItT 



IN ANSWER TO 



A RESOLUTION OF THE SENATE. 



MriTcHeJi. Ja.we£>, 



WASHINGTON : 

POLKINHORN & SON, BOOK AND JOB PRINTERS. 
1865. 



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^V 



i^i^oiPOSiTionsrs. 



1. "All men are created free and equal. But a separate and independent 
Bubsistence for the great families of men, is clearly marked out by the 
Divine Ruler." 

2. " Society is an ordinance of Heaven, having for its object the happi- 
ness, prosperity and peace of its members." 

3. "Governments are designed to guard the peace, prosperity and hap- 
piness of society, and to remove all political evils." 

4. "A homogeneous population is necessary to the existance of a sound 
republic." 

5. "Slaves and peasants, deprived of the right of citizenship, and suf- 
fering degradation, are incompatable with the genius of republicanism." 

6. "The United States of North America should be a pure republic." 

7. " There is no salvation for another race that comes in conflict with 
the Anglo-Saxen race, but in fusion with it. All others that conflict with 
it will be borne down by it." 

8. "The colored population of this country cannot be other than a 
class of peasants, if excluded from white society." 

9. "Where men are truly religious and moral, the white and black 
races of the United States do not mix — so the influence of religion will 
never eflFect fusion, or destroy the right of choice in the parties." 

10. "No two races, kept distinct by the refusal of the stronger for ma- 
jority racej to fuse with the weaker (or minority racej, can dwell together 
in the same country on terms of social equality." 

11. "A heterogeneous population, that will not amalgamate (on righteous 
terms^, sooner or later, becomes a turbulent, restless and revolutionary 
population." 

12. "The separation of the races, and the erection of the colored race 
into an independent and separate commonwealth, are the true and only 
remedies for the disabilities of the colored race." 

— Report to the Indiana Legislature, 1852. 

13. Mixed races create the necessity for imperial forms of government, 
and will sooner or later superinduce a strong central form of rule, to set- 
tle conflicting interests. 



LETTER ON COLONIZATION. 



Honorable and Dear Sir: 

Permit me to review the question of colonization, as a 
policy of the Government, from a political stand-point, as 
disclosed by the acts of the Government ; I leave the merit 
of the policy for future discussion, and simply ask the 
question, "What is the policy of the Government thereon ?" 

In answer I will respectfully state, that the spirit and 
policy of colonization underlies the enactments of the 37th 
Congress on the negro question, culminating in the Procla- 
mation of Emancipation of September 22d, 1862, which is 
a colonization document, both as to words and interition. 
This measure was asked of Mr. Lincoln and his party, as a 
condition on the part of the Western Democracy who sup- 
ported him, and out of which they cannot now be defrauded 
without endangering the unity of the existing organization, 
as passing events clearly disclose. 

The authority given President Lincoln on this subject is 
as follows, made and adopted to enable him to meet his 
obligations to his western supporters. The law for the 
measure is found in the 12th section of the Confiscation 
Act, and placed there to make that act a more palatable 
measure for the western men — approved July 17, 1862. 

^^ And he it further enacted, That the Presidemt of the United Stated is 
hereby authorized to make provisions for th» transportation, coloniiatioii,. 
and settlement, in some tropical country beyoad tk& limits of the United 



states, of such persons of the African race, made free by the provisions 
of this act, as may be willing to emigrate — liaving first obtained the con- 
sent of the government of said country to their protection and settlement 
within the same, with all the rights and privileges of freemen." 

This is tlie standing authority and instruction given the 
President, on it he issued to the writer an amended com- 
mission, dated August 4th, 1862, which is not dependent 
on supply bills, but is effective until revoked by the Presi- 
dent. The power of the President to make this appoint- 
ment is not questioned by the Attorney General, his opinion 
is rendered on salary, made unfortunately on a partial 
statement of the facts as to funds in the Treasury, so much 
so as to justify its being set aside; for the books of the 
Treasury disclose the fact, that on the 31st of July, 1865, 
there was in the Treasury, subject to requisition for coloni- 
zation purposes, $205,980, collected under the tax law ap- 
proved June 7th, 1862, (see the last paragraph of section 
12.) 

"And one-fourth shall also be paid over to said State, as a fund to aid 
in the colonization or emigration from said State of any free persons of 
African descend who may desire to remove therefrom to Hayti, Liberia, or 
any other tropical state or country." 

My commission comprehends the supervision of this fund, 
so far as the General Government has to do with it, as I was 
"appointed to aid in the execution of the several laws and 
parts of laws " which relate to colonization, and "under the 
direction of the President." 

The above enactment and settlement of colonization, as 
policy, was followed, in quick succession, by the Proclama- 
tion of Emancipation two months and five days later ; and 
that of January 1st, 1863, dissolved the limitation as to time, 
and let the fundamental proclamation of September 22 take 
effect, which unquestionably is a colonization measure of 
the most solemn and hinding character — an instrument " of 
Providence," in all its words and terms, against which re- 



sistance will prove madness and follj ; tlie same mind that 
designed it to be an instrument of emancipation designed it 
to be equally an instrument of colonization — it was intended 
to he so. It proclaims to the world, " TJiat (he ejforts to colo- 
nize 2^erso7,s of African descend, icilh their cum consent, upon 
the continent, or elsewhere, icith th.e prevkmslij obtained consent 
of the government existing there, ivill be cont timed.'''' This 
policy, bequeathed to this nation by President Lincoln, in 
the midst of so much blood, North and South, seals the case 
beyond the power of parties or men to re-open it. 

Again — to add further weight to this policy, and to root 
it deeper in the national heart and national economy, it has 
been surrounded with the solemnities of our Holy Eeligion, 
and the sanction of the oath has forced it home on the con- 
science and the heart of the people of the South. 

The success of our arms has enabled us to impose the 
above measure of emancipation on the people of the South, 
and enabled us to exact an oath binding it on them in all 
its provisions. Thus it has become a solemn compact and 
covenant between the two parties late at issue. 

It is an obligation of our own making, both as to form 
and substance. Mr. Lincoln might have been silent on the 
point of colonization contained therein, but as a true states- 
men he did not choose to be so. AYhen the gauge of battle 
decided against the South — as a generous people should do — 
they come forward, and, with proper unanimity, assume the 
obligations imposed, and swear to support the Proclamation 
of Emancipation, colonization included. Does that assump- 
tion impose no obligation, no duty on the maker, the framer 
of the instrument? is there no corresponding obligation 
fastened on the people of the North ? Surely there is. As 
one sadly cognizant to the fearful judgment that has swept 
over the land, and for seventeen years has seen the gather- 
ing storm, and warned my people of its approach, (at my re- 
quest, Indiana placed colonization provisions in her Constitu- 



tion fifteen years ago,) I have thus been reluctantly, though 
intimately, connected for that time with the class of measures 
and questions in issue. For one I will not be found breaking 
faith with the people of the South on this subject; it is not 
well, it is not wise for us to be found amongst the first to disap- 
point the expectation we have made in such a solemn and 
formal manner. I have asked Southern statesmen to accept 
emancipation and unite with us on this policy, and they 
have done it — for one I dare not deceive them in this. 

I intend to calmly take my stand on the Proclamation of 
Emancipation and its attendant oath, and be found asking 
the rulers of this nation the fulfillment of the compact, 
liberal and just as it is — emancipation for the slave, and 
colonization of a free and voluntary hind. In opposition to 
the labor-monger, North as well as in the South, and as 
formidable now in the former as in the latter, we ask nation- 
ality for the African race, and finally their undisturbed rule 
in the Tropical Belt ; we ask no hasty action, but calm, 
equitable, just and well-considered action ; yet we protest 
against retrogression in what has been already done. 

If republicanism is to be preserved amongst us, and the 
imperialism of the hour quickly removed and cut short by 
the wise policy of the President, I expect to see the Ameri- 
can people unite in a noble effort to give this nationality to 
our freedmen ; but if this union comes not in our day, the 
future will witness the wisdom and success of that policy 
laid down and settled by Presidents Lincoln and Johnson. 

But I will be met with the question of expense. I will 
answer this in a word: we can colonize extensively and 
wisely and not cost the nation a dollar. In 1863, under 
the sanction of the President, I formed engagements with 
the British colonies in the American tropics, for the proper 
settlement of as many of our freedmen as desire to change 
their residence. The agents of thoee colonies agree to mus- 
ter, ship to, and settle in their fine tropical lands as many 



emigrants as desire to remove thereto, without cost to us. 
They are this day asking me to fulfill this engagement — 
shall I be permitted to do so, or must I first appeal to the 
people for their opinion ? 

Mr. Lincoln thought a ivorld-iuide necessity existed for a 
combination with England on this question, and acted ac- 
cordingly, believing that a union of two such powers as the 
United States and Great Britain could bring a third power 
into being for the benefit of the colored race. 

I trust the leaders of the colored race will lend their aid 
in due time, and that we will recognize the coming future 
of the African and prepare him by education for the true 
independence in reserve for him. Undoubtedly the drift of 
events will carry our freedmen towards the Tropical Belt, 
where they will become masters of the situation and lords 
of the soil. 

The privilege granted to British colonies, the fulfillment 
of which is now desired, will cost (as I have stated) this 
nation nothing. Between the Governments of Washington 
and London it is but a change of population, we taking tlie 
white, thev taking the black, whilst in the end the blacks 
will take the colonies as we drifted off" in 1776; whilst, 
for the time being, the limited imperialism of the one is 
best adapted to the proper government of the colored and 
mixed race ; whilst republicanism suits the Celt and Saxon 
best. If this is true, should not our English speaking 
people, white and black, in Europe and America, consider 
it. Mr. Lincoln did consider it, and there are men in Lon- 
don who did respect his view. The time may come when 
the whole policy of the great emancipator — the true friend 
of the negro — will be fulfilled ; for his memory and his views 
will now be held sacred by all English speaking nations, 
whether white or black. I shall never forget the fullness and 
emphasis of his utterance, which flowed from his great heart, 
when I first brought this colonization of the British colo- 



6 

nies to his notice. On asking permission to bring it to the 
notice of our able Secretary of State, he remarked : " Surely ! 
If England icants our negroes, and ivill do better by them than 
we can, I say let her have them, and may God bless her /" This 
was uttered about the 23d of July, 1862, in the following 
September the Proclamation of Emancipation was issued, 
and the Secretarj^ of State sealed the matter by his letter 
of the 30th of thnt month, addressed to our Foreign Ministers, 
asking the co-opei-ation of Foreigu Governments. The ar- 
gument as to the intention of the Government is thus made 
complete. 

In the light of the above facts, I think it a far fetched 
argument to maintain that the repeal of part of the coloni- 
zation apprc)])riati()a is an abandonment of the policy — 
whilst the fact is, tlie $H00,000 supposed to be repealed is 
not so, but is just devoted to "existing engagements by the par- 
ties in interest, meaning Chirique f^ to which contract I would 
have had no objection, if the rights of the colored emigrant 
had been respected, and which, so far as I am concerned, 
shall meet with no further opposition, so soon as colored 
men bec(jmc the owners and holders of the contract, and 
are to be the benetited party. 

It is no part of the object of this letter to discuss the rea- 
sons f )r colonization, either white or black, but to disclose 
the policy of the past administration, and to ask you, as a 
Western statesman of enlarged views, to built on the foun- 
dations already laid, and to respect the claims of the men 
who honestly differ from the radical division of the admin- 
istration party on this subject. 

Since the last of June, 1864, I have conducted the office 
at my own expense. Through all the time that this policy 
and the writer have suffered attack, I have been a silent, 
patient supporter of the administration — not without assur- 
ance, however, from President Lincoln, that there would be 
a change in the administration of the Interior. In that time 



I labored, so far as I had influence or skill, to perfect the 
measures of the administration on the negro question : in 
that effort I committed myself and political friends, so far 
as I have any, to the policy of Mr. Lincoln, as disclosed in 
this letter. I asked my friends of the Border and South to 
accept the Constitutional Amendment, and it was accepted. 
I asked them to let the Freedman's Bureau Bill become a 
law, promising that it would be carefully and pendently ad- 
ministered in the spirit of the above policy ; they granted 
me this favor too. I may have no power to fulfill this 
promise, but shall I change front? — others may change 
front, but, under the circumstances, I cannot. 
I have the honor to remain, 

Your obedient servant, 

JAMES MITCHELL, 

Commissioner of Emigration. 



Report on Emigration and Colonization, 

In answer to a Resolution of the Senate adopted 
March 25, 1864. 

"Resolved, That the President of the United States he requested to fur- 
nish the Senate the report of the Commissioner of Emigration for 1863, 
with his account of existing contracts, and other necessary information on 
the question of emigration." 



Emigration Office, 
Washington, Mv. 24, 1864. 
Mis Excellency^ A, Lincoln, 

President of the U. S. : 

I have the honor to communicate the following statement, 
relating to the emigration question entrusted to me. 

The present condition of our work is one of foundation 
and formation, having made no attempt to stimulate emi- 
gration, considering that more depends upon a proper settle- 
ment of the policy, plans and territorial location of our first 
settlements, than on any spasmodic movement made to be 
abandoned with discouragement. 

In this review of the situation I desire to be careful — to 
avoid the wrong and follow the right — inasmuch as the fu- 
ture interests and well being of millions of both races depend 
on the issues of this eventful age. Yet, I am impelled by 
the strong conviction that wrong can be avoided, peace se- 
cured for future generations, and the cause of civilization 
served by the representative men of both the white and the 



12 

This office has been so embarrassed by an imperfect legis- 
lation, that the aid asked could not be rendered. 

Liberia, as an African State, though feeble, promises 
much to that land — as the creature of the benevolence of our 
own nation, it should not be deserted; and in our opinion 
no more grateful service can be rendered the cause of Chria- 
tianity and civilization than the multiplication of such set- 
tlements on the African continent. 

Hayti is a standing applicant for all the men of color who 
are willing to cast in their lot with her people. 

A proposition was made during the last session of Con- 
gress to dedicate and set oft' that part of southwestern Texas 
lying west of the Colorado, for the use and benefit of our 
people of color who might desire to settle therein, so as to 
give them, by concentration, the benefit of mutual protec- 
tion, and place them near the borders of that semi-tropical 
land, Mexico. 

I need hardly say all these thoughts have been before the 
country ; and, although studiously kef)t out of direct issue 
in the late canvass, they were indirectly discussed. The 
early and well-known views of the administration on the 
subject of the best condition for the negro race, that of free- 
dom and separate independence, gave the nation a centre 
around which the thoughts and expectations of the country 
gathered and safely revolved. 

Resolution of the Senate. 

On the 25th of March the Senate passed the following 
resolution : 

" Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to 
furnish the Senate the report of the Commissioner of Emigration for 
18(33, with his account of existing contracts, and other necessary informa- 
tion on the question of emigration." 

In answer, permit me to say, that this report contains the 
substance of that made for 1863, whilst it remains to answer 
that part which relates to contracts. 



13 

Several persons have at sundry times offered to make con- 
tracts for the deportation of persons of color, but on terms 
which, to a great extent, ignored the true interests of the 
emigrant. I regret to say, that in most instances an un- 
due regard to the personal emolument of the parties, and 
want of true liberality to the man of color, have been so 
clearly manifested, that I thought it best to decline the com- 
pletion of all such contracts, and hereafter to depend mostly 
on such reliable agencies as those put forward by the British 
Colonies, Liberia and Hayti. 

It will be claimed by certain parties in interest, that there 
are two contracts outstanding — that known as the Chirique 
contract, and one formed for the purpose of colonizing the 
Island of A'Vache, belonging to Hayti. 

I do not recognize the validity of either of these contracts, 
as they were formed without my knowledge or consent ; and 
I express the hope that the papers and files drawn from 
this office, by sundry parties not responsible for our work, 
will be returned thereto at an early day, 

I am ignorant of the existance of any other contract, and 
trust none other has been formed, as the reliable national 
agencies referred to will meet all the claims and wants of 
the enterprise in the future — the whole question is a delicate 
one and should be handled carefully. I trust we shall even 
prove grateful for the steady support you have given us in 
the midat of the perplexities of this dark and stormy period, 
and against the interference of parties not responsible either 
to the public or to the government for the success or 
failure of this enterprise. 

Permit me to represent, that to the duties of this office 
may be added matters and interests connected with the sup- 
pression of the African slave trade. From the year 1848 
we have steadily advocated, as we have had time and op- 
portunity, sometimes giving whole years to the canvass, the 
propriety of settling the African coast with American set- 



U lilil Till IIIHH 

011 932 610 2 _ 
tlements as our best and cheapest plau lor tne suppression 
of that trade. With this view you lieretofore agreed and 
kindly lent me your aid, as a private citizen of your State, 
as have many other leading men of past administrations, 
through whose kindness a place had been given this Avork 
amongst the offices of the government, as the original plan 
was to place both these interests — that of the suppression 
of the slave trade and that of emigration — in one office, un- 
der one head. I trust that by proper legislation this will be 
done, as it will reduce the expense of the workings of both. 
I feel that, let the effect be what it may on my position, it 
is my duty to make this recommendation. 

I respectfully ask a small appropriation to meet the claims 
made by " The African Civilization Society," and the cur- 
rent expenses of this office, inasmuch as the large appro- 
priations heretofore made have been repealed, as not being 
needed under the inexpensive plan of emigration now pro- 
posed. Although it is a question of doubtful policy to go 
back on the well-made record of the past by such an act of 
repeal, inasmuch as the terms of that act of repeal closes 
out from the fund once appropriated, all claims except those 
of the two outstanding contracts named above, for the ex- 
press benefit of which, according to the terms of that act 
of repeal, the funds are reserved. This may not have been 
the intent of the gentlemen who devised that act of repeal ; 
but this is the effect of their law. The better way, in my 
humble judgment, would have been to let the fund alone, but 
organize a proper office, with men under bond to take charge 
of it ; for I trust it will still appear right to you to main- 
tain an official centre for this work, to which persons and 
parties representing colonial interests may be referred. 
I have the honor to remain, 

Your obedient servant, 

JAMES MITCHELL, 
Commissioner of Emigration. 



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